Minja Koskela é líder da Aliança de Esquerda da Finlândia. Ela falou à Jacobin sobre como o Partido dos Finlandeses, de direita populista, está usando sua posição no governo para atacar os trabalhadores e os serviços públicos, e como seu partido está resistindo aos dogmas da austeridade.
Entrevista com
Minja Koskela
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| A líder da Aliança de Esquerda da Finlândia, Minja Koskela, acredita que foi um erro pensar que a extrema direita populista teria qualquer solidariedade com os trabalhadores. (Cortesia de Elisa Salomäki) |
Entrevista por
Mike Watson
Os esquerdistas do Ocidente frequentemente buscam inspiração nos países nórdicos, dado o seu sucesso histórico na construção de um amplo modelo de bem-estar social. No entanto, esses países estão politicamente divididos e, desde 2023, a Finlândia é governada por uma coalizão de partidos de centro-direita e populistas de direita. No governo, adotaram uma política de cortes drásticos nos gastos públicos, incluindo uma recente medida de contenção da dívida que ameaça uma austeridade perpétua ao limitar os empréstimos.
Minja Koskela é a líder de um partido bem diferente: a Aliança de Esquerda da Finlândia. O partido fez parte do gabinete de Sanna Marin de 2019 a 2023, sob a liderança de Li Andersson, que obteve uma porcentagem de votos historicamente alta nas eleições para o Parlamento Europeu de 2024. Em entrevista a Mike Watson, Koskela explicou o que a experiência finlandesa pode ensinar aos socialistas internacionalmente sobre como combater a direita e como a política americana atual é vista da perspectiva finlandesa.
Mike Watson
Você assumiu a liderança da Aliança de Esquerda em abril de 2024, após a disputa pela liderança realizada depois da saída de Li Andersson. Quais foram seus principais desafios neste cargo — e, na sua opinião, o que você conseguiu realizar?
Minja Koskela
Assumi a liderança em outubro de 2024. A campanha e a eleição foram animadas e produtivas. Como candidatos, viajamos juntos por toda a Finlândia e nos divertimos muito. Nosso partido tinha três bons candidatos, competitivos, para escolher e, no final, acho que saímos ainda mais fortes e unidos.
Muitas vezes me perguntam como vou ocupar o lugar deixado por Li Andersson, nossa popular ex-presidente, a quem admiro e respeito muito. E sempre digo que não vou nem tentar ocupar o lugar dela, mas sim calçar meus próprios tênis e começar minha própria corrida.
O desafio de suceder uma presidente de longa data e muito respeitada é óbvio. Mas tenho tido a sorte de contar com um grande apoio de nossos membros. Durante meu primeiro ano, conquistamos uma vitória expressiva nas eleições locais. Agora temos mais representantes nas câmaras municipais e distritais do que antes. A filiação ao partido está crescendo e estamos com cerca de 10% das intenções de voto em nível nacional, o que representa um aumento de quase três pontos percentuais em comparação com o resultado das eleições gerais de 2023. Portanto, eu diria que estamos no caminho certo.
Mike Watson
The Left in the UK, US, and other Western countries sees the Nordic left, and often particularly the Finnish left, as a beacon of hope due to historically high government funding of public services (the so-called “Nordic model”). Yet the current government, run by Petteri Orpo’s National Coalition Party in close collaboration with the right-wing populist Finns Party, has slashed spending. What would you say to left-wingers elsewhere about the Finnish situation, particularly in relation to public spending?
The Left in the UK, US, and other Western countries sees the Nordic left, and often particularly the Finnish left, as a beacon of hope due to historically high government funding of public services (the so-called “Nordic model”). Yet the current government, run by Petteri Orpo’s National Coalition Party in close collaboration with the right-wing populist Finns Party, has slashed spending. What would you say to left-wingers elsewhere about the Finnish situation, particularly in relation to public spending?
Minja Koskela
Finland today is a great example of what an alliance between the traditional center right and the populist far right brings. Even though the populist far-right panders to the working class and claims to know the struggles of regular people, they’ve joined the center right in cutting social security by historic proportions and giving tax breaks to the rich. Also, they’ve weakened the bargaining power of unions in a way that will take a long time to repair, if it’s even possible. And even though the center right often claims the virtues of openness and opportunity, they’ve been bogged down by the far right in endless racism scandals and created an atmosphere hostile to minorities and foreigners.
When it comes to the economy, this right-wing government has demonstrated what happens when you try to lower public debt by haphazardly cutting spending. The economy tanks and public debt keeps on growing. I’m just as worried about high public debt as anyone, but this is not the way to bring it down.
So, I’d say the lesson to take from the Finnish right-wing coalition government is that it was a mistake for anyone to think the populist far right would have any solidarity toward working people or that cutting public spending would solve the issue of high public debt. What we’ve seen is that regular people have suffered, and the rich have gotten richer, all the while high public debt is still not solved.
Finland today is a great example of what an alliance between the traditional center right and the populist far right brings. Even though the populist far-right panders to the working class and claims to know the struggles of regular people, they’ve joined the center right in cutting social security by historic proportions and giving tax breaks to the rich. Also, they’ve weakened the bargaining power of unions in a way that will take a long time to repair, if it’s even possible. And even though the center right often claims the virtues of openness and opportunity, they’ve been bogged down by the far right in endless racism scandals and created an atmosphere hostile to minorities and foreigners.
When it comes to the economy, this right-wing government has demonstrated what happens when you try to lower public debt by haphazardly cutting spending. The economy tanks and public debt keeps on growing. I’m just as worried about high public debt as anyone, but this is not the way to bring it down.
So, I’d say the lesson to take from the Finnish right-wing coalition government is that it was a mistake for anyone to think the populist far right would have any solidarity toward working people or that cutting public spending would solve the issue of high public debt. What we’ve seen is that regular people have suffered, and the rich have gotten richer, all the while high public debt is still not solved.
Mike Watson
Recently Finland’s main parties agreed to a debt brake: a pact intended to reduce then cap Finland’s public debt. The brake will lead to spending agreements made in unison, which will potentially limit parties’ ability to increase public spending in the future. The Left Alliance alone opted out. Can you explain what the debt break means for Finland and why your party so strongly opposes it?
Minja Koskela
The debt brake is essentially a limit on public spending by capping deficits. We have a similar system in the EU fiscal rules dictating the size of deficits a member state can run and at what rate a member state should lower the debt-to-GDP ratio if it exceeds 60 or 90 percent. Now, this new national debt brake will be more constricting than the EU fiscal rules. The national debt brake demands smaller deficits and a faster pace in lowering the debt-to-GDP ratio than the EU. Why would we voluntarily put ourselves in such a position?
And crucially, the national debt brake, as was now agreed to by the other parties, does not allow flexibility during an economic downturn. The EU fiscal rules, on the other hand, do allow at least some flexibility at a time of high unemployment, for example. Meaning that it leaves at least some room for countercyclical policies when the economy slows down. One of the biggest issues with the new national debt brake is that it has no such flexibility.
This can mean that we are looking at years, even decades, of austerity that will stagnate the economy further and make everyone worse off. And most importantly, it will not achieve what it’s set out to, namely, reducing the debt-to-GDP ratio. It might make it worse.
Our government should just look at Germany, where they’re abolishing a similar debt brake policy because public investment has been seriously neglected causing tremendous issues. And they should listen to all the experts who now agree that severe austerity during the euro crisis was a mistake.
And to make it clear, the Left Alliance opposed the current EU fiscal rules as well, because we think they’re too constricting already, but we lost the fight and therefore we’re now bound by them.
Mike Watson
Finland has a general election coming in April 2027 at the latest. Polls since last year have put Antti Lindtman’s Social Democrats in pole position, meaning at least an end to the rule of the current slash-and-burn administration. What do you see as the key policy areas the election will be fought over — and can you forecast the Left Alliance’s main policy concerns?
Minja Koskela
The next general election is still far away, and anything can happen between now and then. Still, the main issue will probably be the economy. How can we boost growth, increase productivity, and tackle the issue of high debt? That’s a worthwhile discussion where we will be defending proper funding for public services like health care and education. The success of the Nordic model is due to strong, well-funded public services, which have produced a successful, stable, and well-educated society. Quality public services are the bedrock of well-being, which in turn supports a thriving economy.
Unfortunately, even the Social Democrats have agreed to the national debt brake and signaled that heavy budget cuts are coming should they win the election. We need to find ways to break this emerging consensus for austerity and convince voters that investing in people and public services is the way forward. At the same time, we need to focus on working toward decoupling economic growth from climate emissions, and aim to repair the damage done to the labor market and labor rights by the current right-wing government.
Mike Watson
In the postwar period, Finland occupied a traditionally neutral role between Moscow and the West. Finland joining NATO in 2024 changed this. Since then, President Alexander Stubb has been seen as particularly close to Donald Trump, who many see as presiding over a dangerous unconstitutional and antidemocratic shift in his own country.
How do you see Finnish relations with the US, and if the Left Alliance joined a coalition government, would it approach things any differently?
Minja Koskela
I’m worried about the recent developments in America. To me, it seems like there’s an authoritarian bent to President Trump’s politics. He is using the armed forces to pursue internal political aims, he has no respect for the free press, and he does not care for the rule of law. In addition, America has, under the Trump presidency, steered away from a rules-based international order and toward a transactional strongman politics, which serves no one’s interests in the long run.
Even though we’re a small European nation with a long border with Russia, we must be able to hold on to our values of rule of law, free press, and the rules-based international order, and criticize the American president when he goes against them, as our party has done, and would continue to do if we took part in a coalition government.
Recently Finland’s main parties agreed to a debt brake: a pact intended to reduce then cap Finland’s public debt. The brake will lead to spending agreements made in unison, which will potentially limit parties’ ability to increase public spending in the future. The Left Alliance alone opted out. Can you explain what the debt break means for Finland and why your party so strongly opposes it?
Minja Koskela
The debt brake is essentially a limit on public spending by capping deficits. We have a similar system in the EU fiscal rules dictating the size of deficits a member state can run and at what rate a member state should lower the debt-to-GDP ratio if it exceeds 60 or 90 percent. Now, this new national debt brake will be more constricting than the EU fiscal rules. The national debt brake demands smaller deficits and a faster pace in lowering the debt-to-GDP ratio than the EU. Why would we voluntarily put ourselves in such a position?
And crucially, the national debt brake, as was now agreed to by the other parties, does not allow flexibility during an economic downturn. The EU fiscal rules, on the other hand, do allow at least some flexibility at a time of high unemployment, for example. Meaning that it leaves at least some room for countercyclical policies when the economy slows down. One of the biggest issues with the new national debt brake is that it has no such flexibility.
This can mean that we are looking at years, even decades, of austerity that will stagnate the economy further and make everyone worse off. And most importantly, it will not achieve what it’s set out to, namely, reducing the debt-to-GDP ratio. It might make it worse.
Our government should just look at Germany, where they’re abolishing a similar debt brake policy because public investment has been seriously neglected causing tremendous issues. And they should listen to all the experts who now agree that severe austerity during the euro crisis was a mistake.
And to make it clear, the Left Alliance opposed the current EU fiscal rules as well, because we think they’re too constricting already, but we lost the fight and therefore we’re now bound by them.
Mike Watson
Finland has a general election coming in April 2027 at the latest. Polls since last year have put Antti Lindtman’s Social Democrats in pole position, meaning at least an end to the rule of the current slash-and-burn administration. What do you see as the key policy areas the election will be fought over — and can you forecast the Left Alliance’s main policy concerns?
Minja Koskela
The next general election is still far away, and anything can happen between now and then. Still, the main issue will probably be the economy. How can we boost growth, increase productivity, and tackle the issue of high debt? That’s a worthwhile discussion where we will be defending proper funding for public services like health care and education. The success of the Nordic model is due to strong, well-funded public services, which have produced a successful, stable, and well-educated society. Quality public services are the bedrock of well-being, which in turn supports a thriving economy.
Unfortunately, even the Social Democrats have agreed to the national debt brake and signaled that heavy budget cuts are coming should they win the election. We need to find ways to break this emerging consensus for austerity and convince voters that investing in people and public services is the way forward. At the same time, we need to focus on working toward decoupling economic growth from climate emissions, and aim to repair the damage done to the labor market and labor rights by the current right-wing government.
Mike Watson
In the postwar period, Finland occupied a traditionally neutral role between Moscow and the West. Finland joining NATO in 2024 changed this. Since then, President Alexander Stubb has been seen as particularly close to Donald Trump, who many see as presiding over a dangerous unconstitutional and antidemocratic shift in his own country.
How do you see Finnish relations with the US, and if the Left Alliance joined a coalition government, would it approach things any differently?
Minja Koskela
I’m worried about the recent developments in America. To me, it seems like there’s an authoritarian bent to President Trump’s politics. He is using the armed forces to pursue internal political aims, he has no respect for the free press, and he does not care for the rule of law. In addition, America has, under the Trump presidency, steered away from a rules-based international order and toward a transactional strongman politics, which serves no one’s interests in the long run.
Even though we’re a small European nation with a long border with Russia, we must be able to hold on to our values of rule of law, free press, and the rules-based international order, and criticize the American president when he goes against them, as our party has done, and would continue to do if we took part in a coalition government.
Mike Watson
A direita populista ganhou apoio popular em todo o Ocidente nos últimos anos, governando na Itália e nos Estados Unidos, e como parceira de coalizão na Finlândia. No momento em que escrevo, os populistas de direita lideram as pesquisas de opinião no Reino Unido, na França e na Alemanha.
Muitos leitores estão sofrendo diretamente sob tais governos (como estrangeiros, LGBTQ+ ou pessoas de baixa renda), ou podem vir a sofrer no futuro. Como líder de um partido de esquerda em um país governado por um governo populista de direita de fato, que esperança você vê nos próximos anos e que táticas poderíamos usar globalmente para concretizar essa esperança?
Minja Koskela
Este é um assunto sobre o qual reflito muito. Muitos estão desiludidos com a política. Não conseguem enxergar como a política pode gerar mudanças para melhor. E, para ser justa, mudar o rumo da política não é nada fácil. Requer muito trabalho árduo em conjunto. Mas tenho esperança, seja na Finlândia, em outros países da Europa ou nos EUA.
Precisamos mostrar que votar na esquerda tornará sua vida melhor. Precisamos nos libertar do cinismo, da desconfiança e do ódio declarado que tomaram conta do país e construir algo positivo juntos. Isso significa focar em políticas claras e concretas que mudem a vida da maioria das pessoas, senão de todas, para melhor, sem ceder a discussões e a um sentimento de pessimismo. Essa é, sem dúvida, a chave para a vitória da esquerda.
Acredito que podemos aprender muito, mesmo aqui na Finlândia, com a campanha de Zohran Mamdani para prefeito de Nova York. Não é comum uma eleição para prefeito nos EUA causar repercussões na Finlândia — mas esta causou.
Colaboradores
Minja Koskela lidera a Aliança de Esquerda da Finlândia desde 2024. Ela também é conhecida como musicista e escritora.
Mike Watson é teórico de mídia e arte e educador, nascido no Reino Unido e radicado na Finlândia. Seu livro mais recente é Hungry Ghosts in the Machine: Digital Capitalism and the Search for Self (Fantasmas Famintos na Máquina: Capitalismo Digital e a Busca pelo Eu).
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