Jeremy Corbyn
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Soldados hasteiam uma nova bandeira brasileira no Palácio do Planalto em Brasília em 9 de janeiro de 2023, um dia depois que apoiadores do ex-presidente de extrema direita Jair Bolsonaro invadiram o Congresso, o palácio presidencial e o Supremo Tribunal Federal. (Carl de Souza/AFP via Getty Images) |
Na noite passada, milhares de apoiadores de Jair Bolsonaro invadiram o Congresso, o Palácio do Planalto e o Supremo Tribunal Federal em Brasília. Descendo sobre a capital do país, a turba de extrema direita pediu a renúncia do recém-eleito presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e a intervenção dos militares para impedir a transferência pacífica e democrática do poder.
A tentativa de golpe traçou paralelos imediatos com a insurreição de 6 de janeiro nos Estados Unidos, dois anos e três dias atrás, quando os apoiadores de Trump invadiram o Capitólio. Ambos foram alimentados pela desinformação generalizada de que as eleições foram fraudadas e por um perigoso líder de extrema-direita que inspirou seus apoiadores a uma ação autoritária. Os brasileiros, porém, não precisam atravessar o Oceano Atlântico para se lembrar do que a extrema-direita é capaz.
Em 1964, tropas rebeldes das Forças Armadas do Brasil derrubaram o presidente de esquerda, eleito democraticamente, João Goulart. Apoiado pelo governo dos Estados Unidos, o golpe se transformaria em ditadura, durando até 1985. Nesse período, a ditadura foi responsável por mais de quatrocentas mortes e desaparecimentos; mais de vinte mil pessoas foram torturadas, principalmente para obter informações sobre a crescente resistência. Esse número incluía Soledad Barrett, Pauline Reichstul, Eudaldo Gómez da Silva, Jarbas Pereira Márquez, José Manoel da Silva e Evaldo Luiz Ferreira. Como seis membros da resistência, eles foram sequestrados, torturados, mutilados e mortos no que hoje é conhecido como massacre de São Bento. A data de sua morte? 8 de janeiro de 1973, exatamente cinquenta anos antes da insurreição da noite anterior.
A tentativa de golpe de ontem não apenas causa medo nos corações daqueles que se lembram das cenas em Washington. Infunde medo nos corações daqueles que vivem com a memória do fascismo, do autoritarismo e do militarismo em sua própria terra. Até porque o próprio Bolsonaro expressou abertamente apoio à ditadura de 21 anos do Brasil, dizendo a um entrevistador que "você nunca mudará nada neste país votando. Nenhuma coisa. Absolutamente nada."
Bolsonaro denies any role in the insurrection. However, by frequently raising doubts about the integrity of the election and by refusing to attend Lula’s inauguration (breaking with custom for the outgoing president to hand the sash to the incoming president), there is no doubt that Bolsonaro’s most extreme supporters have been emboldened by his contempt for democratic processes.
Perhaps what is most distressing about last night’s events is the ease with which state institutions let it unfold. “The police didn’t do anything at all,” Lula said in a press conference last night. “They just let the protestors in.” It was police officers, remember, that blocked roads and conducted unwarranted vehicle searches in Lula stronghold areas across Brazil on election day. The Brasília governor, Ibaneis Rocha, has been suspended for his complicity in the insurrection and accused of collusion with the military police (Brazil has three main police forces: federal, civil, and military), who can be seen escorting the demonstrators toward the Plaza of the Three Powers. It’s worth noting that the military police was established as an institution under the dictatorship.
At the very least, authorities certainly cannot pretend that they didn’t see this coming. In September 2022, I joined 150 parliamentarians, ministers, and ex-presidents from twenty-six countries in signing a letter, written by Progressive International, warning that this may happen. Just last Saturday, a man was arrested for allegedly attempting to detonate a bomb in protest of Lula’s victory. Bolsonaro, he said, had inspired him to do so. Law enforcement had been warned but did nothing. They knew about the existence of a well-financed far right. They did nothing. They could see Bolsonaro’s supporters instigating a coup. They did nothing. At the very least, then, those in charge of public safety exhibited a negligent indifference to what was brewing. The problem is not simply those on the streets who have been radicalized. It’s their relationship with those in the security forces who dream of a return to dictatorship.
Ultimately, the insurrection is a reminder of the additional barriers that left-wing governments must overcome to achieve real change. Lula campaigned on a platform of social justice, indigenous rights, and an end to deforestation. It’s not just the transformative program that has compelled the intolerant far right to throw their toys out of the pram. It’s the nature of how this transformative program was won: by mobilizing a coalition of political parties, trade unions, and social movements — parties, unions, and movements that brought millions of workers, Indigenous people, and marginalized communities together.
Last night’s coup attempt, however, is not just about Lula, nor even the millions who voted for him. It’s about the right of the Brazilian people to live in a free, fair and peaceful society, and a right not to live in fear that the violent and bloody dictatorship will return. Those who stormed Congress did not just launch an assault on Lula and his supporters. They launched an assault on democracy and on the Brazilian masses.
It is unlikely that last night’s events will enjoy the same continued coverage as the events in the United States two years ago. Perhaps it’s because fewer commentators are concerned by coups that overthrow a left-wing government. Perhaps it’s because the coup is happening in South America. Most likely, it’s both. Those of us who understand the significance of Lula’s victory know what’s at stake if it’s taken away. We know that democracy is worth fighting for.
A tentativa de golpe traçou paralelos imediatos com a insurreição de 6 de janeiro nos Estados Unidos, dois anos e três dias atrás, quando os apoiadores de Trump invadiram o Capitólio. Ambos foram alimentados pela desinformação generalizada de que as eleições foram fraudadas e por um perigoso líder de extrema-direita que inspirou seus apoiadores a uma ação autoritária. Os brasileiros, porém, não precisam atravessar o Oceano Atlântico para se lembrar do que a extrema-direita é capaz.
Em 1964, tropas rebeldes das Forças Armadas do Brasil derrubaram o presidente de esquerda, eleito democraticamente, João Goulart. Apoiado pelo governo dos Estados Unidos, o golpe se transformaria em ditadura, durando até 1985. Nesse período, a ditadura foi responsável por mais de quatrocentas mortes e desaparecimentos; mais de vinte mil pessoas foram torturadas, principalmente para obter informações sobre a crescente resistência. Esse número incluía Soledad Barrett, Pauline Reichstul, Eudaldo Gómez da Silva, Jarbas Pereira Márquez, José Manoel da Silva e Evaldo Luiz Ferreira. Como seis membros da resistência, eles foram sequestrados, torturados, mutilados e mortos no que hoje é conhecido como massacre de São Bento. A data de sua morte? 8 de janeiro de 1973, exatamente cinquenta anos antes da insurreição da noite anterior.
A tentativa de golpe de ontem não apenas causa medo nos corações daqueles que se lembram das cenas em Washington. Infunde medo nos corações daqueles que vivem com a memória do fascismo, do autoritarismo e do militarismo em sua própria terra. Até porque o próprio Bolsonaro expressou abertamente apoio à ditadura de 21 anos do Brasil, dizendo a um entrevistador que "você nunca mudará nada neste país votando. Nenhuma coisa. Absolutamente nada."
Bolsonaro denies any role in the insurrection. However, by frequently raising doubts about the integrity of the election and by refusing to attend Lula’s inauguration (breaking with custom for the outgoing president to hand the sash to the incoming president), there is no doubt that Bolsonaro’s most extreme supporters have been emboldened by his contempt for democratic processes.
Perhaps what is most distressing about last night’s events is the ease with which state institutions let it unfold. “The police didn’t do anything at all,” Lula said in a press conference last night. “They just let the protestors in.” It was police officers, remember, that blocked roads and conducted unwarranted vehicle searches in Lula stronghold areas across Brazil on election day. The Brasília governor, Ibaneis Rocha, has been suspended for his complicity in the insurrection and accused of collusion with the military police (Brazil has three main police forces: federal, civil, and military), who can be seen escorting the demonstrators toward the Plaza of the Three Powers. It’s worth noting that the military police was established as an institution under the dictatorship.
At the very least, authorities certainly cannot pretend that they didn’t see this coming. In September 2022, I joined 150 parliamentarians, ministers, and ex-presidents from twenty-six countries in signing a letter, written by Progressive International, warning that this may happen. Just last Saturday, a man was arrested for allegedly attempting to detonate a bomb in protest of Lula’s victory. Bolsonaro, he said, had inspired him to do so. Law enforcement had been warned but did nothing. They knew about the existence of a well-financed far right. They did nothing. They could see Bolsonaro’s supporters instigating a coup. They did nothing. At the very least, then, those in charge of public safety exhibited a negligent indifference to what was brewing. The problem is not simply those on the streets who have been radicalized. It’s their relationship with those in the security forces who dream of a return to dictatorship.
Ultimately, the insurrection is a reminder of the additional barriers that left-wing governments must overcome to achieve real change. Lula campaigned on a platform of social justice, indigenous rights, and an end to deforestation. It’s not just the transformative program that has compelled the intolerant far right to throw their toys out of the pram. It’s the nature of how this transformative program was won: by mobilizing a coalition of political parties, trade unions, and social movements — parties, unions, and movements that brought millions of workers, Indigenous people, and marginalized communities together.
Last night’s coup attempt, however, is not just about Lula, nor even the millions who voted for him. It’s about the right of the Brazilian people to live in a free, fair and peaceful society, and a right not to live in fear that the violent and bloody dictatorship will return. Those who stormed Congress did not just launch an assault on Lula and his supporters. They launched an assault on democracy and on the Brazilian masses.
It is unlikely that last night’s events will enjoy the same continued coverage as the events in the United States two years ago. Perhaps it’s because fewer commentators are concerned by coups that overthrow a left-wing government. Perhaps it’s because the coup is happening in South America. Most likely, it’s both. Those of us who understand the significance of Lula’s victory know what’s at stake if it’s taken away. We know that democracy is worth fighting for.
Colaborador
Jeremy Corbyn é o membro do Parlamento pelo Partido Trabalhista de Islington North.
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